On 9 April 1906, in a rented former livery stable at 312 Azusa Street in Los Angeles, a one-eyed Black Holiness preacher named William J. Seymour led a revival that he, along with most Pentecostals since, interpreted as a fresh Pentecost of the Holy Spirit. Over the next three years, the Azusa Street Revival drew tens of thousands of visitors from across the country and the world. Seekers reportedly received what they called the “baptism of the Holy Spirit,” evidenced most distinctively by speaking in tongues (glossolalia). The gathering was multiracial at a moment when most American churches were not. It produced a missionary zeal that carried the movement to every continent within a decade. Visitors to 312 Azusa founded what became the Assemblies of God, the Church of God in Christ, the Foursquare Gospel Church, and, indirectly, hundreds of other denominations.
A century later, classical Pentecostalism and the broader charismatic movement together are estimated at roughly 600–650 million Christians worldwide, making Spirit-baptism Christianity by far the fastest-growing and numerically largest family in global Protestantism. In the Global South — Brazil, Nigeria, South Korea, the Philippines — Pentecostal churches are the dominant form of evangelical Christianity. The movement that began in 1906 in a Los Angeles livery stable is, in the early 21st century, reshaping global Christianity as consequentially as the Reformation did.
This lesson traces the story from its Wesleyan roots in the 1830s, through the Holiness movement of the late 19th century, to Azusa Street and its aftermath.
The Pentecostal story begins in John Wesley’s doctrine of Christian perfection or entire sanctification — the Methodist conviction, set out most fully in Wesley’s A Plain Account of Christian Perfection (1766), that after conversion a believer can experience a second definite work of grace in which the Holy Spirit cleanses the heart from indwelling sin and fills it with perfect love. Wesley insisted this was not freedom from ignorance or weakness, and it did not produce moral infallibility; but it did mean that the believer’s dominant orientation was now love of God and neighbor rather than indwelling corruption (see Lesson 21 Part 8).
For the first century of American Methodism, Wesleyan perfection was taught but often as a distant horizon few claimed to reach. The Holiness movement’s distinctive move was to make the experience ordinary, attainable, and datable — something the serious believer could and should seek at a specific altar on a specific evening.
Phoebe Palmer (1807–1874)
Holiness motherAltar theologyPalmer was the single most influential American Holiness teacher of the 19th century. With her sister Sarah Lankford she organized the “Tuesday Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness” at her home in lower Manhattan beginning in 1835. Over the next four decades the weekly meeting drew Methodist clergy, visiting bishops, Presbyterian and Congregational ministers, and Baptists alike.
Palmer’s “altar theology” simplified Wesleyan perfection into three steps — entire consecration, faith, and testimony:
Palmer’s teaching made entire sanctification a crisis event pursued at specific meetings, usually with a visible public testimony afterward. Her books (The Way of Holiness 1843, Faith and Its Effects 1848, Promise of the Father 1859) shaped a generation. Her theology of “the altar” is the direct ancestor of later Pentecostal altar services.
The National Camp Meeting Association. In 1867, Methodist ministers John Inskip and William Osborn organized the first national camp meeting specifically for the promotion of Christian holiness at Vineland, New Jersey. The movement held national camp meetings annually and became the National Holiness Association (1893), the institutional home of late-19th-century American Holiness teaching.
The “Come-Outer” Holiness Denominations. By the 1880s, tensions between Holiness advocates and mainstream Methodism were pushing some Holiness people out of the denomination entirely. They founded new “come-outer” bodies:
A parallel — and eventually quite different — tributary emerged in England in 1875 with the first Keswick Convention in the Lake District. The American Quakers Robert Pearsall Smith and his wife Hannah Whitall Smith (author of the devotional classic The Christian’s Secret of a Happy Life, 1875) led the founding meetings. Keswick taught a similar second blessing, but framed it as “the exchanged life” — not a cleansing from sin’s presence (Wesleyan perfection) but a moment-by-moment victory in which the believer surrenders and trusts the indwelling Christ, who lives his victorious life through them.
Keswick theology influenced D. L. Moody, F. B. Meyer, Andrew Murray, and a generation of Reformed and Baptist evangelicals who could not sign on to Wesleyan perfectionism. It became the sanctification theology of much 20th-century Reformed and evangelical devotional writing (Charles Trumbull, Watchman Nee’s The Normal Christian Life).
The common factor. Both Wesleyan Holiness and Keswick taught a second distinct work of the Spirit after conversion. This doctrinal commonality — even when they disagreed about its content — set the stage for Pentecostalism’s fusion.
Charles Fox Parham (1873–1929)
Topeka outpouringInitial evidence doctrineParham operated an independent Bethel Bible School in Topeka in late 1900 with about forty students. The question he set his students to study over the Christmas 1900 break: What is the biblical evidence of the baptism of the Holy Spirit? The students returned with a unanimous answer: speaking in tongues, as at Pentecost (Acts 2:4).
On the night of 1 January 1901, Parham laid hands on a student named Agnes Ozman (1870–1937), praying that she would receive the Spirit-baptism. She reportedly began speaking in what was identified at the time as Chinese (a claim subsequent linguistic examination did not confirm). Other students followed in the days that followed. This is sometimes called the first “Pentecostal” event of the modern movement, though Parham’s Topeka outbreak remained regional.
Parham’s doctrinal contribution: the initial evidence teaching — the conviction that tongues is the required biblical sign of Spirit-baptism. This is a specifically Pentecostal distinctive; the broader charismatic movement later softened it.
William Joseph Seymour (1870–1922)
Azusa StreetMulti-racialGlobal impactSeymour was a 35-year-old Black preacher who had sat in the hallway (because of Texas segregation laws) to listen to Parham’s Houston Bible school lectures in 1905. He had accepted the tongues-as-evidence teaching but had not yet personally received it. In February 1906, invited to pastor a small Holiness mission in Los Angeles, he arrived and preached the doctrine of Spirit-baptism with initial evidence. The congregation locked him out of the building. Moved to a house on Bonnie Brae Street. On the evening of 9 April 1906, at 214 Bonnie Brae, a man named Edward Lee received the experience; a seven-year-old girl, Jennie Moore, followed, then others. Seymour himself received the experience on 12 April.
Crowds became too large for the house. On 14 April 1906, Seymour moved to a run-down former African Methodist Episcopal church building at 312 Azusa Street in a racially mixed industrial area of Los Angeles. For the next three years services ran practically continuously — three a day, seven days a week. The Los Angeles Times published a sensational account on 18 April 1906 titled “Weird Babel of Tongues.” A week later the San Francisco earthquake struck, contributing to eschatological excitement.
What Azusa Street looked like. No platform, no choir, no bulletins, no racial segregation. Black and white worshippers; Latino, Asian, and European immigrant participants; men and women preaching together; services lasting all night. Reports of physical healings, speaking in tongues, prophecy. Jennie Evans Moore (whom Seymour would marry in 1908) played the piano. Black and white children prayed side by side at the altar — an experience that, in 1906 Los Angeles, was itself a minor miracle.
The global impact. Visitors to Azusa between 1906 and 1909 carried the Pentecostal message back to every continent. Within three years there were Pentecostal missions in India (1906), Norway (1906), Chile (1909), China (1907), the Netherlands (1907), Brazil (1910), South Africa (1908). Thirty-eight missionaries left Los Angeles in 1906 alone. The revival was multi-racial, global, and led by a Black pastor — a combination no previous revival had produced.
The eventual fading. By 1909–1910 the revival had cooled, and by 1914 Azusa Street was back to a small Black neighborhood congregation. Seymour continued as its pastor until his death in 1922. His widow Jennie led the congregation until 1931, when the building was foreclosed and demolished. A plaque marks the site today.
Within five years of Azusa Street, new Pentecostal denominations were organizing across the United States and around the world.
Distinctive beliefs of classical Pentecostalism:
For the first half of the twentieth century, Pentecostalism was largely confined to its own denominations, often considered marginal by mainstream evangelicals and Catholics. That changed in 1960.
Three waves, a common rubric. Peter Wagner popularized the idea of three waves: First Wave = classical Pentecostalism from 1906; Second Wave = Charismatic Renewal in mainline and Catholic churches from 1960; Third Wave = evangelicals embracing the gifts without leaving their denominations, from about 1980. Together the three waves account for the 600+ million figure cited in the opening of this lesson.
The twentieth century is often described, with good reason, as the Pentecostal century. Five statistics capture the movement’s scale:
- Phoebe Palmer, The Way of Holiness (1843); Promise of the Father (1859).
- Hannah Whitall Smith, The Christian’s Secret of a Happy Life (1875).
- William Seymour, The Apostolic Faith (periodical, 1906–1908) — the Azusa Street mission newspaper.
- Frank Bartleman, Azusa Street (eyewitness memoir, 1925).
- Charles Parham, A Voice Crying in the Wilderness (1902).
- William J. Seymour, The Doctrines and Discipline of the Azusa Street Apostolic Faith Mission (1915).
- Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition (2nd ed., 1997) — the standard survey.
- Cecil M. Robeck Jr., The Azusa Street Mission and Revival (2006).
- Grant Wacker, Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture (2001).
- Donald W. Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (1987).
- Allan Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism (2nd ed., 2014) — strong on the global dimension.
- Gastón Espinosa, William J. Seymour and the Origins of Global Pentecostalism (2014).
Pleasant Springs Church — Church History Series
Next: The French Revolution — Noll TP 10 — secular modernity’s challenge
|
Did our work bless you today? 💚 Give to Support PS Church100% of gifts go to the General Fund — thank you. |